A History of the Episcopal Church (Third Revised Edition). Robert W. Prichard

English Dictionary notes the use of “Episcopal Party” in a 1651 work by Richard Baxter (1615–91). Eight years later, Edward Stillingfleet identified the three major English church parties in his Irenicum as “congregational men,” “presbyterians,” and “episcopal men.” This history has followed this seventeenth century usage for two reasons: (1) it is a more neutral term than the Orthodox label used by Archbishop William Laud or the Anglican designation popular since the middle of the nineteenth century (Laud distinguished his orthodoxy from the heterodoxy of the puritans. The use of Anglican can mislead readers into believing that pre-Restoration puritans were not members of the Church of England.); (2) episcopal would be the word that American Anglicans adopted for their church after the American Revolution.

28. David Hackett Fischer, Albion’s Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 233. Brydon, Virginia’s Mother Church, 1:25.

29. Brydon, Virginia’s Mother Church, 1:87–88.

30. Borden W. Painter, “The Anglican Vestry in Colonial America,” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1965), 12.

31. G. R. Elton, The Tudor Constitution: Documents and Commentary, 2d ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 445, 450–51; Lee W. Gibbs, “Life of Hooker” in A Companion to Richard Hooker, ed. Torrance Kirby, (Leiden, the Netherlands: Koninklijke Brill NJ, 2008), 11.

32. Painter, “Anglican Vestry,” 56.

33. The English still follow the patronage system. In much of the remainder of the Anglican world, the bishop meets with a committee that includes parish representation in order to choose a rector. In the United States, however, there is one remainder of the patronage system. In many dioceses, the bishop retains the right to appoint the vicars of missions.

34. English clergy would retain the right of tenure until it was abridged in the early 21st century by the passage of “the Clergy Discipline Measure” (2003, No. 3) and “the Ecclesiastical Offices (Terms of Service) Measure” (2009, No. 1).

35. Painter, “Anglican Vestry,” 61–71.

36. Robert McCrum et al., The Story of English (New York: Elisabeth Sifton Books, Viking, 1986), 116.

37. Woolverton, Colonial Anglicanism, 27.

38. Richter, Before the Revolution, 116–17, 208–9.

39. The idea that confirmation is a separate sacrament that is required prior to reception of communion is an idea that dates to the 13th century or earlier. Roman Catholics continued the expectation of confirmation prior to reception of communion until about 1910, when they created a separate rite of first communion. Episcopalians dropped the expectation of confirmation as a prerequisite for communion in the 1970s.

40. Robert Currie, Alan Gilbert, and Lee Horsley, Churches and Churchgoers: Patterns of Church Growth in the British Isles since 1700 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977), 27; Gordon Donaldson, James V-James VIII, vol. 3 of The Edinburgh History of Scotland, Gordon Donaldson, gen. ed. (Hong Kong: Wilture Enterprises, 1965), 366.

41. Currie, Churches and Churchgoers, 27.

42. Woolverton, Colonial Anglicanism, 53.

43. Arthur Lyon Cross, The Anglican Episcopate and the American Colonies (New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1902), 21.

44. Brydon noted that the Virginia colonists reached a compromise with Cromwell’s commissioners. The commissioners allowed the colonists to continue to use the Book of Common Prayer for one year, provided that they omitted the royal prayers. Brydon assumed that the colonists used the prayer book even after the expiration of the year. Campbell noted that Barbados clergy followed a direction from Cromwell’s fleet and surrendered their Books of Common Prayer, but suggested that “they probably kept other copies.” See Brydon, Virginia’s Mother Church, 1:122; and P. F. Campbell. The Church in Barbados in the Seventeenth Century (St. Ann’s Garrison, St. Michael, Barbados: Barbados Museum and Historical society, 1982), 60.

45. See Fischer, Albion’s Seed, 229–31 for a discussion of individuals who were kidnapped and sold into indentured servitude. See Edward B. Rugemer, “The Development of Mastery and Race in the Comprehensive Slave Codes of the Greater Caribbean during the Seventeenth Century,” William and Mary Quarterly 70 (July 2013): 435–36 for a discussion of the Irish prisoners-of-war whom Oliver Cromwell sent to Barbados in 1656.

46. Fischer, Albion’s Seed, 28, 227; Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteenth-century Chesapeake and Lowcountry (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, by the University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 8; and Rugemer, “The Development of Mastery and Race,” 433, 437.

47. Rugemer, “The Development of Mastery and Race,” 433.

48. The Barbados slave code of 1661 may have been the first to use the term slave as a synonym for enslaved African. In Bermuda the term slave does not appear regularly in legal documents until the 1680s. See Bernhard, Slaves and Slaveholders in Bermuda, 1616–1782 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1999), 50; and Rugemer, “The Development of Mastery and Race,” 438.

49. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 5–6, Fischer, Albion’s Seed, 278.

50. Bernard Lewis, Race and Slavery in the Middle East. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 48–49.

51. Karen Ordahl Kupperman (ed.), Captain John Smith: A Select Edition of his Writings (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1988), 52–55, 75.

52. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 8–9.

53. The European exception was a Damian Pecke who agreed in 1654 to a 99-year indenture.