As the Hamilton Electors’ plan gained publicity in the mainstream media, the electors in Colorado and Washington State began to promote the idea that renegade electors should vote for a moderate Republican candidate, such as Republican governor John Kasich of Ohio. Kasich, a former GOP presidential candidate, sat out the Republican National Convention in Cleveland as an expression of his opposition to Trump.
In their best-case scenario, the Hamilton Electors dreamed of uniting 135 Republican and 135 Democratic electors behind Kasich, thus securing the presidency for a moderate Republican. In their fallback strategy, the Hamilton Electors plotted to convince 37 of the Republican electors in states that voted for Trump to switch their votes to Kasich, throwing the election into the House of Representatives. Their thought was that the GOP leadership in the House might be willing to twist the arms of Republican House members to vote for Kasich instead of Trump, a strategy designed to secure the presidency for the GOP while at the same time dumping Trump.
As December 19 approached—the day set for the electors to meet in their various state capitals—Republican members of the Electoral College faced intense pressure, including personal harassment and death threats, as pro-Hillary and anti-Trump forces combined in their desperate attempt to keep Trump out of the White House.15 The bullying from the Trump haters was nearly overwhelming, with some electors receiving as many as 50,000 emails in the run-up to December 19, clogging their electronic devices with unwanted anti-Trump venom. Before the electors met to vote, a Harvard University group backed by constitutional law professor Lawrence Lessig got into the act, offering free legal advice to electors deciding to change their votes.16
Despite all the media hoopla, the “block Trump” Electoral College scheme was as dismal a failure as Jill Stein’s ill-conceived re-count maneuver. In the end, Trump received 304 electoral votes to Clinton’s 227—two fewer than he earned on November 8—with more electors going rogue and defecting from Clinton than defected from Trump.
Instead of seeking support from the center of the political spectrum, [the Democratic Party] has moved ever leftward, embracing positions that leave millions of Americans feeling left out.
—Erich Reimer, December 2017
WHEN THE MOVE TO deny Trump an Electoral College victory failed, Democrats and their supporters turned their attention away from the Clintons, resolving not just to resist Trump but to complete the hard-left take-over of the Democratic Party. They now wanted to set the stage for gaining a leftist majority to retake Congress in 2018 in the quest to find another Obama-like charismatic radical to retake the White House in 2020.
Once Trump was inaugurated, the Democrats’ goal shifted to impeaching Trump, removing him from office by invoking the 25th Amendment, or forcing him to resign, with Pence then becoming president. In fact, Democrats were calling for Trump’s impeachment even before he was inaugurated. Dozens of Democratic lawmakers refused to attend his inauguration. The Trump presidency was under siege almost immediately after he took the oath, setting the stage for the Deep State strategy that would not give Trump a moment to breathe. The Democrats eyed a repeat of Jimmy Carter’s defeat of Gerald Ford in 1976 following Nixon’s resignation on August 9, 1974, when Nixon preferred resignation to almost certain impeachment and removal from office over Watergate.
“Blowing Up the White House”
Protesting Donald Trump’s presidency, famed singer Madonna gave a profanity-laced address in Washington, DC, on January 21, 2017, to a Women’s March crowd estimated at 500,000 strong—a number various mainstream media reports argued was twice the number that had attended Trump’s inauguration the day before. “Yes, I’m angry. Yes, I’m outraged,” Madonna said, expressing her dismay at what the mainstream media accounts described as the “shocking electoral college win of minority President Donald Trump.”1
Women in the protest march wore pink “pussy hats” knitted to display prominent feline ears. The hats symbolized opposition to a conversation recorded on a bus between Trump and Billy Bush, then host of Access Hollywood. A recording of that conversation was leaked to the Washington Post and published on Friday, October 7, 2016—two days before the second presidential debate. In that conversation, which Trump did not suspect was being recorded, Trump can be heard boasting in terms crude even in a locker room about grabbing women by their sexual organs.
Predictably, the mainstream media discounted Trump’s apology as well as his counterargument: while his words were foolish and inappropriate, Bill Clinton lost his law license for much worse—namely, for lying about sexual advances he made toward Paula Jones, then an Arkansas state employee, when Clinton was governor of Arkansas. The height of Madonna’s protest speech came when she cautioned that women would face “a new age of tyranny” under President Trump, adding the following incendiary language: “Yes, I’ve thought an awful lot about blowing up the White House. But I know this won’t change anything. We cannot fall into despair.”
Madonna attempted to explain away her obvious threat to the president by placing her protest in the context of love. “Welcome the revolution of love,” she said. “To the rebellion. To our refusal as women to accept this new age of tyranny. We’re not just women in danger, but all marginalized people.” Responding to the estimated five million that took part in the 2017 Women’s March protests nationwide, President Trump tweeted, “Watched protests yesterday but was under the impression that we just had an election! Why didn’t these people vote? Celebs hurt cause badly.”2
Despite making women’s issues the centerpiece of her campaign, Hillary Clinton lost the votes of white women overall and struggled to win the votes of women without a college education in swing states including Ohio, Wisconsin, Michigan, and Pennsylvania—all states President Obama won in 2008 and 2012.3 The real importance of the 2017 Women’s March was that it signaled the degree to which the base of the Democratic Party was moving toward the far-left. The “pussy protesters” in the nation’s streets after the election were radical feminists—new feminists of the hard-left who were angry not only about the economic inequality of women but about the white male privilege they believe is at the core of American capitalist oppression.
The women Hillary needed for victory might have voted for Bernie Sanders, but they were not impressed by Hillary Clinton. For these radical feminists, Clinton was a part of the past—a past dominated by too many six-figure fees paid to her by Goldman Sachs for her Wall Street speeches, a past tarnished by Clinton Foundation financial scandals and pay-to-play allegations. Hillary’s past was truly ridden with scandal; she could not explain why Ambassador Chris Stevens had died at Benghazi or why she had refused to use the secure email devices provided by the State Department that were required to comply with national security laws.
Truthfully, there was much in Hillary’s past that remained questionable and difficult to explain, from her being fired as a Watergate attorney to her role in Whitewater, or from the death of Vince Foster to the fact that Hillary’s billing file from the Rose Law Firm were found squirreled away in a closet in the White House private residence. Add to this her husband’s sexual escapades, plus a dozen other scandals that had plagued Hillary’s career since she first