You couldn’t miss the soccer field, where professional teams practiced, or the bullfighting arena that completed the ensemble. The zoo was open to the public and visitors of the unusual place circled around in their vehicles amongst the animals; however, their eyes were always fixed on the main house, hoping, expecting, to catch a glimpse of Pablo going out with his bodyguards.
Luis Hernando Gaviria, also known as Nandito, was named administrator of the huge Nápoles Hacienda by Pablo and Gustavo Gaviria. Five minutes from the nearest town, Doradal, the place prospered as a popular tourist destination. Twenty minutes away by car was Puerto Triunfo, a town on the banks of the river Magdalena. Pablo ordered the construction of an enormous lake for water sports and a luxurious wooden cabin in an area half an hour away from the Nápoles estate. The combination of the surrounding vegetation and nice weather created another beautiful space. To this new paradise, he added his own personal touch: a replica of Al Capone’s car was put on display in the zoo by the side of one of the surveillance posts. Early one morning when Pablo arrived at the estate with his bodyguards, he stood staring at the car and said, “This car is missing something to truly resemble Al Capone’s.” With that, he took out his gun and shot at it, leaving holes that he believed gave it authenticity. The guard that had just been relieved of his shift heard the shots and came out of the bathroom. Shocked, he revealed, “Don Pablo, a minute ago I got out of the car; I sleep there when I finish my shift.” The poor man had almost been killed by Escobar himself.
By that time, Pablo had already been married many years to La Tata and had two children: Juan Pablo and, the light of his life, his daughter, Manuela.
With his extraordinary wealth in cocaine money and the amount of politicians that chose to visit him (anyone from simple council men and deputies to senators and house representatives), Pablo Escobar was tempted by power and made the great mistake of getting directly involved in Colombian politics. Between January 1979 and December 1980, he created programs called “Civismo en Marcha”14 and the highly successful “Medellín sin Tugurios”15; these began his new political movement, given the name of “Renovación Liberal en Antioquia.”16 Supported by renowned national politicians like Jairo Ortega and Alberto Santofimio Botero, his movement was listed as part of the New Liberalism party founded by lawyer and prestigious politician Luis Carlos Galán Sarmiento. Sarmiento was an impressive man. He had become national minister of education at only twenty-six years of age.
With all of his drug money Pablo built a three hundred-home community, donating it entirely to the poor people that lived near the city dump. He then went district-by-district, building soccer fields and lighting the existing ones.
With a microphone in hand, Pablo became more confident. In his first speeches before the people, he declared his political proposal, all based on an elemental message: vote for me and I will give you money. He bought the best land in El Poblado District, home of the wealthiest people in the city, and built luxurious structures, such as the famous Monaco Building. He set his family residence in the penthouse of the Monaco, leaving the rest of the building empty. His team of bodyguards occupied only one of the apartments. In El Poblado he also spent quite a bit of money in real estate. Bankers looked after Escobar so that he would put his money in their banks, offering him all kinds of safeguards and confidentiality.
Pablo Escobar during his political campaign, accompanied by William Jaramillo. (Photo courtesy of the newspaper El Espectador)
Drug money changed the city’s life and a new social class emerged among the traditionally rich. The traditionally rich began to seek out prosperous mobsters who would purchase their broken industries and family properties for triple their actual value. Luxury cars were no longer exclusive to a certain class. Construction boomed in the city and real estate got very expensive. Nightclubs became the hangout for beautiful women and mobsters. In fact, the most pretentious clubs were built by drug lords. The culture of easy money spread all over the city. Pablo even had hangars for his aircrafts at the Olaya Herrera Airport in Medellín. In the meantime, Escobar and his mafia’s activity began to parallel his political activity. A national magazine put him on their cover and called him “The Robin Hood of Antioquia.”
Pablo Escobar’s exclusive, feared, and powerful security group consisted of Ruben Londoño, alias La Yuca; Luis Alberto Castaño, alias El Choco; Luis Carlos Aguilar Gallego, alias Mugre; and Otoniel González Franco, alias Oto, all from La Estrella; Luis Fernando Londoño Santamaria, alias El Trompón, and José Luis, alias Paskin, from Itagüí; John Jairo Arias Tascon, alias Pinina and Julio Mamey, from Campo Valdés; Carlos Mario Alzate Urquijo, alias Arete, from Aranjuez; Flaco Calavera, from Manrique; and Jorge Eduardo Avendaño, alias Tato, and Carlos Arturo Taborda Pérez from Envigado.
Pablo Escobar enjoyed his money and flew with his friends in his private jet to the carnivals of Rio de Janeiro in Brazil. He spent handfuls of money on celebrations and parties. He flew his plane to the United States and gave himself the royal treatment at the best hotels in Miami and other major cities in the country, often accompanied by his family and friends. He rented limousines and helicopters for his transportation needs. On one of his trips, he took his son Juan Pablo to Washington, D.C. and took the famous photo of the two of them in front of the White House. It was his way of saying that he achieved the American dream. He bought a great summer mansion in Miami and also invested in a condo. He often ended these pleasure trips to the U.S. with parties at his hacienda.
Chapter IV
Political Invasion
On January 12, 1982, Luis Carlos Galán Sarmiento, the New Liberalism leader, denounced the supporters of the Liberal Renovation of Antioquia movement, which included Pablo Escobar as the the next in line in power, Jairo Ortega being the leading man on the list. Liberal Renovation was supposed to be the movement that represented the New Liberalism in Antioquia.
In a letter to Jairo Ortega, Luis Carlos Galán wrote, “We cannot accept the inclusion of persons whose activities are in contradiction with the moral and political restoration of this country. If you do not accept my conditions, I cannot allow any attachment of your movement’s list with my presidential campaign.” In addition to this letter, Luis Carlos Galán also publicly expelled Escobar from his party during a political gathering at Bolívar Park in Medellín.
After Pablo was denounced by Luis Carlos Galán’s movement, Senator Alberto Santofimio invited Pablo and Jairo Ortega to join his group; they accepted and joined Alberto Santofimio’s group, also a liberal movement. They then publicly confronted Luis Carlos Galán, condemned his actions in front of voters, and urged his followers not to vote for him.
Pablo, with an energetic speech against oligarchy and a string of good deeds done by his political groups, made his way into congressional elections for the Senate and the House of Representatives. In 1982 the people gave their votes to Jairo Ortega and Pablo Escobar. Jairo Ortega was the leading representative to the House, and Escobar his substitute. But Ortega was Pablo’s puppet; when Pablo wanted to occupy the position, he could order Jairo to let him, and Jairo would.
Pablo’s true ideologist was Alberto Santofimio Botero, because Jairo Ortega was a third-class provincial politician. The voting became dangerous for the same old politicians with Pablo now in the ring. A man with such enormous economic resources as Escobar was a real menace for the Colombian political class. Since Pablo could build entire communities and soccer fields and relieve the hunger of the Antioquian people, he had developed a strong voter base. The lower classes truly saw Pablo Escobar as their savior and benefactor.
Luis