– mission on the Iraq-Kuwait border (UNIKOM) and in Georgia (UNOMIG)
– Danish military observer
– 1 Danish military observer in the Hebron’s group and in the mission Peninsula Prevlaka
– 3,606 Danish troops were sent to the territory of the former Yugoslavia (UNPROFOR)
However, the Danish “blue helmets” could not boast of with a large number of soldiers or police officers in every missions. But for the rotation, it showed that even the small number of people who took part in the operations suggests that Denmark is permanently involved in international peacekeeping.
It also should be noted that Denmark took part not only in UN operations, but also in NATO and the OSCE (see Attachment 1). The gained experience has served as a starting point in training, equipping and training since 1994 of the Baltic Peacekeeping Battalion, together with its colleagues-states such as Norway, Finland and Sweden. That battalion consisted of military personnel from Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania and was promptly ready by the end of 1997. [2]
As for the training of a peacekeeping contingent which carries out peace-enforcement operations, peacekeeping and humanitarian, under the auspices of international organizations and the United Nations – on 1 July 1994, a rapid response brigade was formed that consisted of 4,500 people. Later that team also became part of the NATO rapid response.
Due to the union consisting of Denmark and such states as Canada, the Netherlands, Austria, Poland, Norway and Sweden a multinational UN High Readiness Brigade SHIRBRIG was formed on September 2 in 1997. The main function of this brigade is constant readiness for the relocation to any part of the world within 15—30 days.
Foreign experts note that the role of Denmark in maintaining international peacekeeping is one of the leading ones [3]. Denmark is also one of the few countries that provides a resource such as warships for various operations.
The authorities of Denmark believe that international peacekeeping have a great influence on the image of Denmark on the international scene and also influences the decisions made on the EU level. Therefore, the resources allocated by Denmark differ in scale. For example:
– The permanent strength of the armed forces is 30,000;
– The military budget of Denmark is equal to the costs of the country’s participation in NATO’s military programs and amounts to 1.4% of the country’s annual GDP;
– About 44,000 people took part in NATO operations; and so on.
Conclusion
International peacekeeping is one of the key points of Denmark’s foreign policy as its main aspect is the maintenance of favorable relations with other countries. Also I should point out that the Danish Kingdom has a fairly good and long history of relations with the other countries.
Danish military personnel worthily represent their country abroad, which favorably affects the country’s foreign policy.
References
– Grishaeva L.E. Russia and the UN: history and modernity. M., 2007
– Ravens K. Peacekeeping in the Nordic countries: responses to challenges. World Economy and International Relations, 2011, No. 12, p. 57—68
– Roberts, Adam; Kingsbury, Benedict, ed. (1994). United Nations, a divided world: UN roles in international relations (2nd ed.). Oxford University.
– S. Shapkin, Foreign Military Review No. 11/2001, Denmark and international peacekeeping.
– Zapariy Yu. V. UN peacekeeping operations and the Soviet Union: policy and practice – 2004, №31, pp.153
– Information and analytical portal: interaction of Denmark and NATO [Internet source]. Retrieved from: http://nat.rf/ru/denmark.html (Accessed date: 2018, Sep 16).
Annex
Forgotten referendum of Denmark
Polina Sakharova, 3rd year student of the faculty of International relations and geopolitics, Institute of World Civilizations, Moscow
Abstract. The article is devoted to the Danish referendum, which contributed to the restriction of state sovereignty and its role in the European area. Studies have shown that in connection with this issue, the Danish government is constantly faced with the question of solving the so-called “integration dilemma”, which involves the choice between the loss by the state of part of national sovereignty and greater integration into the EU structures. Based on the analysis, the author shows how all political institutions and a democratic society interact on this issue to identify a unanimous decision on the role of their state in the EU.
Key words: referendum, sovereignty, justice, state security, integration.
The referendum is quite a frequent phenomenon in the democratic policy of the EU countries. Despite the fact that the European society will introduce a sufficiently active civil position, at the same time difficult questions are raised for voting, which are not always clear to the public.
Denmark’s participation in the EU (since 1973) is limited to the four reservations that the kingdom made for the citizens of the country to approve the 1992 Maastricht Treaty in a referendum. All reservations were the result of a national compromise that was achieved thanks to political parties (except the Progress Party) and recorded in the Edinburgh agreement of the EU.
The restrictions concern the economic and monetary union (the single currency was not introduced in Denmark), cooperation in the sphere of security and justice (the country agreed to participate in the legal process only on an interstate basis), as well as the problems of European citizenship, which was separately indicated by the Amsterdam Treaty 1997 year (the citizenship of Denmark is considered to be a priority in relation to European citizenship).
Denmark’s policy is based on the formation of a “belt of good neighborliness”, for which it is necessary to build relations with Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova. The Danish government has played a big role in the process of the accession of Bulgaria and Romania to the EU.
The initial position of Denmark was that the countries of the European Union as a single actor in solving world problems. In addition, the course of the Danish policy is aimed at increasing the transparency of decision making, attention to the problem of ecology and the expansion of jobs.
Against the background of the British referendum and its consequences, the events that took place in Denmark at the end of 2015 and which have received new development at the present time have practically gone unnoticed. On December 3, a referendum was held in Denmark to revise the format of the country’s participation in cooperation in the field of justice and home affairs (UVD) in the EU. According to the compromise reached after the first unsuccessful referendum on accepting the Maastricht Treaty in Denmark, the country has a number of exceptions (the so-called Danish reservations), including through cooperation in the field of justice and home affairs, which Denmark can only implement on an intergovernmental basis.
As the space of liberty, security and justice became more common, and the volume of supranational legislation grew, Denmark faced an ever-increasing amount of problems regarding its participation in cooperation in this field. Within the framework of the UVD, a country cannot simply adopt the EU legislation it needs or participate in its development; in order to join any EU project in this area, it must conclude an international agreement with the European Union. 2 According to the Treaty of Lisbon, within the framework of justice and internal affairs, there are no areas of interaction that are carried out exclusively on an intergovernmental basis; cooperation has been transferred