116
Dorte Raaschou, “Un document Danois sur la fabrication des toiles Peintes a Tranquebar, aux Indes, a la fin du XVIII siecle,” in Bulletin de la Societe Industrielle de Mulhouse, no. 4 (1967): 9–21; Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 119; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 432; цит. по: Philosophical Magazine 30 (1808): 259; цит. по: Philosophical Magazine 1 (1798): 4. См. также: S. D. Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution (London: Macmillan, 1972), 12; Philosophical Magazine 1 (1798): 126.
117
Cotton Goods Manufacturers, Petition to the Lords Commissioner of His Majesty’s Treasury, Treasury Department, T 1, 676/30, Public Record Office, London; Dispatch, November 21, 1787, Bombay Dispatches, E/4, 1004, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
118
Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 16.
119
Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 262; Irwin and Schwartz, Studies in Indo-European Textile History, 12. Мы знаем, что на протяжении XVIII столетия рабы были самым важным «экспортом» из Африки, составляя от 80 до 90 % от всей торговли. J. S. Hogendorn and H. A. Gemery, “The ‘Hidden Half ’ of the Anglo-African Trade in the Eighteenth Century: The Significance of Marion Johnson’s Statistical Research,” in David Henige and T. C. McCaskie, eds., West African Economic and Social History: Studies in Memory of Marion Johnson (Madison: African Studies Program, University of Wisconsin Press, 1990), 90; Extract Letter, East India Company, Commercial Department, London, to Bombay, May 4, 1791, in Home Miss. 374, India Office, Oriental and India Office Records, British Library, London; Cousquer, Nantes, 32; de Flain is quoted in Richard Roberts, “West Africa and the Pondicherry Textile Industry,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 142.
120
Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 116, 127, 147; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 434–35; 448; Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth ofNations, bk. IV, ch. I, vol. I, 470.
121
Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 131; цитируется там же, 122, 151, 154; Extract Letter to Bombay, Commercial Department, May 4th, 1791, in Home Miscellaneous 374, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
122
Maurice Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1947), 277; George Unwin, в предисловии к George W. Daniels, The Early English Cotton Industry (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1920), xxx. Это блестяще изображено в Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson, “The Rise of Europe: Atlantic Trade, Institutional Change and Economic Growth,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 9378, December 2002. Однако в их описании отсутствует упоминание о сохраняющейся важности институтов военного капитализма в других частях света, за пределами европейского ядра.
123
См.: важную работу Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, esp. 223–25; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 478–79; P. K. O’Brien and S. L. Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens,” in Barbara Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 191.
124
Цит. по: Peter Spencer, Samuel Greg, 1758–1834 (Styal, Cheshire, UK: Quarry Bank Mill, 1989).
125
См., например: Kevin H. O’Rourke and Jeffrey G. Williamson, “After Columbus: Explaining Europe’s Overseas Trade Boom, 1500–1800,” Journal of Economic History 62 (2002): 417–56; Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo Giraldez, “Path Dependence, Time Lags and the Birth of Globalization: A Critique of O’Rourke and Williamson,” European Review of Economic History 8 (2004): 81–108; Janet Abu-Lughod, The World System in the Thirteenth Century: Dead-End or Precursor? (Washington, DC: American Historical Association, 1993); Andre Gunder Frank, ReOrient: Global Economy in the Asian Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). Я согласен с Joseph E. Inikori, который рассуждает о важности «интегрированного производства товаров по всему земному шару» для истории глобализации. См.: Joseph E. Inikori, “Africa and the Globalization Process: Western Africa, 1450–1850,” Journal of Global History (2007): 63–86.
126
Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 20.
127
Anthony Howe, The Cotton Masters, 1830–1860 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 41; Michael James, From Smuggling to Cotton Kings: The Greg Story (Cirencester, UK: Memoirs, 2010), 4, 8–9, 37–40; Mary B. Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill: The Rise and Decline of a Family Firm, 1750–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 5.
128
Caitlin C. Rosenthal, “Slavery’s Scientific Management: Accounting for Mastery,” in Sven Beckert and Seth Rockman, eds., Slavery’s Capitalism: A New History of American Economic Development (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, forthcoming, 2015). Хорошее рассуждение о важности рабства для индустриализации можно найти также в Robin Blackburn, The American Crucible: Slavery, Emancipation and Human Rights (London: Verso, 2011), 104–107.
129
Важность атлантической торговли для «великого расхождения» также подчеркивал Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson, “The Rise of Europe: Atlantic Trade, Institutional Change and Economic Growth,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 9378, December 2002, esp. 4; Глубина вовлеченности британского общества в рабовладение