That visible reminders of Caroline are scant in twenty-first-century Britain ought not to blind us to her achievements – or the scale of the obstacles she mostly overcame. Hers was a world in which the political was still personal, an elision she manipulated skilfully. Her overriding aim was that of every dynast: to ensure the survival of the precarious organisation she and her husband represented. In the early days, her personal popularity played its part in countering the threat to the Hanoverians of lingering Stuart support, a movement known as Jacobitism. More charismatic than her husband, more genuinely in thrall to her adopted country, she found admirers even among disaffected Catholics and Scots. There is a spin-doctor quality to aspects of her exploitation of soft power.
The present account seeks to offer some redress to Caroline of Ansbach’s historical vanishing act. Recent scholarship has re-examined George II’s conduct of monarchy to reveal a statesman more perceptive and engaged than earlier versions have suggested.18 Nor can Caroline be defined exclusively as the spirited, all-controlling heroine of Lord Hervey’s Memoirs, the ‘Goddess of Dulness’ satirised in Pope’s Dunciad, the scheming cynic who emerges from the letters of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu and Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, or the monstrous harridan imagined by the niece by marriage who never met her: ‘She was imperious, false, and ambitious. She has frequently been compared to Agrippina; like that empress, she might have exclaimed, let all perish, so I do but rule.’19 As the spectacular failure of her relationship with her eldest son indicates, Caroline had her share of flaws. She also inspired powerful affection, not least in her husband, whose devotion to her survived his long-term infidelity and the corrosive sycophancy of kingship.
Caroline worked hard at queenship. She was inspired by the examples of her guardian, Sophia Charlotte of Prussia, and her husband’s grandmother, Sophia of Hanover; eagerly she examined precedents established in Britain by recent queens-regnant Mary II and Queen Anne. Measured against the yardstick of her own devising, she enjoyed notable success at a time when the court still retained – in part, thanks to her – social, cultural and political significance. Although she was not single-handedly responsible for the successful establishment of the Hanoverians in Britain – or even in British affections – her understanding that she had a role to play in this process raises her above the average early-eighteenth-century princess. ‘Nothing will pass for what is great or illustrious, but what has true merit in it,’ wrote the unctuous Alured Clarke in An Essay Towards the Character of Her late Majesty Caroline, Queen-Consort of Great Britain, &c, published the year after Caroline’s death.20 We will see that Caroline’s life included its measure of merit.
‘Halliballoo!’
Above the hubbub rose a single voice. On that dark December evening, the sound of a young woman singing soared above disarray. Above the noise of rain in nearby St James’s Park it lifted, above the dripping branches of lime trees planted in hundreds a decade ago by royal gardener Henry Wise.
Idlers heard it above the ‘racket of coxes! such a noise and halliballoo!’ in gaming dens and coffee houses.1 They heard it above the ‘Modern Midnight Conversation’ of boozy taverns shortly to be depicted by scourge of the age William Hogarth, above the ‘violent Fit[s] of Laughter’ in fashionable drawing rooms that novelist Sarah Fielding likened to ‘the Cackling of Geese, or the Gobbling of Turkeys’.2 Astringent as the sluice of ordure on wet cobbles, revoltingly inventoried by Jonathan Swift as ‘sweepings from butchers’ stalls, dung, guts, and blood,/Drowned puppies, stinking sprats, all drenched in mud,/Dead cats and turnip-tops’, her song trilled its defiant strain.3 Brightly, ‘despising doleful dumps’, it eclipsed the stamping hooves of horses, servants’ shuffling feet, hourly chimes from unlit churches.4 It rang clear above the clatter of packing cases, including the royal close stool entrusted to woman of the bedchamber Charlotte Clayton, above orders and counter orders and – unmistakeable in the broad London street – the sound of sobbing: ‘Over the Hills and Far Away’.
The Honourable Mary Bellenden was singing. Mary was a maid of honour, one of a group of high-spirited and decorative unmarried young women in attendance on Caroline, Princess of Wales. ‘The most perfect creature’, ‘smiling Mary, soft and fair as down’, ‘incontestably the most agreeable, the most insinuating, and the most likable woman of her time’, she was in flushed good looks tonight, singing in the shadows that skirted St James’s Palace.5 The same could not be said of her royal mistress. Two years previously, in one of his last excrescences as Poet Laureate, Nahum Tate had acclaimed flaxen-haired, inquisitive, plain-speaking Caroline as ‘adorned with every grace of person and of mind’.6 As the rank, wet December darkness enfolded princess and attendants in its clammy grip, she appeared anything but.
Loyal Mary sang for Caroline, an angry song of protest. ‘Over the Hills and Far Away’ was a rallying cry for Jacobites, those pro-Stuart opponents of Britain’s new Hanoverian monarchy; later, Mary Bellenden would be painted by portraitist Charles Jervas in the character of Mary, Queen of Scots. Caroline, of course, was herself a key player in the usurping dynasty. On 2 December 1717 she too played her part as victim.
Her father-in-law – for three years George I, elector of Hanover since 1698 and a man accustomed to obedience – had expelled her husband George Augustus from his rickety, brick-built palace following a footling argument about the choice of a royal godparent. In a satirical age, such septic dysfunctionalism was a boon to the writers of ballads and broadsheets. To the king’s chagrin, Caroline had chosen to accompany her husband into ignominy. ‘You may not only hope to live but Thrive, If with united hearts and hands you live,’ promised an engraving called ‘The Happy Marriage’, published in 1690, and throughout her marriage Caroline had done her best to present a united front.7 Surprised and displeased, the king shrugged his shoulders, comfortable in the apartments of his bald and red-faced German mistress overlooking the palace gardens. In the words of a ballad called ‘An Elegy upon the Young Prince’, ‘Both the Son and’s Spouse,/He left ’em no/Where else to go,/But turn’d ’em out on’s House’.8
No royal guards attended prince and princess in their hasty flit. The doors of the palace were closed against them, the Chapel Royal too, their attendance at court forbidden and every special act of deference suspended. Still the choleric and implacable monarch protested at his inability under British law to halt their payments from the civil list. Even Caroline’s children, a baby of three weeks and three daughters ranging in age from four to eight, were prevented from accompanying her in this hour of disgrace. They remained abed within the palace. The king had ‘[taken] his grey goose quill/And dip’t it o’er in gall’, a balladeer wrote. His sentence was comprehensive:
Take hence yourself, and eke your spouse,
Your maidens and your men,
Your trunks, and all your trumpery,
Except your