The Life of John Marshall, Volume 1: Frontiersman, soldier, lawmaker, 1755-1788. Albert J. Beveridge. Читать онлайн. Newlib. NEWLIB.NET

Автор: Albert J. Beveridge
Издательство: Public Domain
Серия:
Жанр произведения: Биографии и Мемуары
Год издания: 0
isbn: http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/40388
Скачать книгу
days before the Christmas night that Washington crossed the Delaware and struck the British at Trenton, the distressed American commander found that "our little handful is daily decreasing by sickness and other causes."258 And the very day before that brilliant exploit, Washington was compelled to report that "but very few of the men have [re]enlisted" because of "their wishes to return home, the nonappointment of officers in some instances, the turning out of good and appointing of bad in others, and the incomplete or rather no arrangement of them, a work unhappily committed to the management of their States; nor have I the most distant prospect of retaining them … notwithstanding the most pressing solicitations and the obvious necessity for it." Washington informed Reed that he was left with only "fourteen to fifteen hundred effective men. This handful and such militia as may choose to join me will then compose our army."259 Such was American patriotic efficiency, as exhibited by "State Sovereignty," the day before the dramatic crossing of the Delaware.

      A month earlier the general of this assemblage of shreds and patches had been forced to beg the various States for militia in order to get in "a number of men, if possible, to keep up the appearance of our army."260 And he writes to his brother Augustine of his grief and surprise to find "the different States so slow and inattentive… In ten days from this date there will not be above two thousand men, if that number, of the fixed established regiments, … to oppose Howe's whole army."261

      Throughout the war, the neglect and ineffectiveness of the States, even more than the humiliating powerlessness of Congress, time and again all but lost the American cause. The State militia came and went almost at will. "The impulse for going home was so irresistible, that it answered no purpose to oppose it. Though I would not discharge them," testifies Washington, "I have been obliged to acquiesce, and it affords one more melancholy proof, how delusive such dependencies [State controlled troops] are."262

      "The Dependence, which the Congress have placed upon the militia," the distracted general complains to his brother, "has already greatly injured, and I fear will totally ruin our cause. Being subject to no controul themselves, they introduce disorder among the troops, whom you have attempted to discipline, while the change in their living brings on sickness; this makes them Impatient to get home, which spreads universally, and introduces abominable desertions. In short, it is not in the power of words to describe the task I have to act."263

      Nor was this the worst. Washington thus pours out his soul to his nephew: "Great bodies of militia in pay that never were in camp; … immense quantities of provisions drawn by men that never rendered … one hour's service … every kind of military [discipline] destroyed by them… They [the militia] come without any conveniences and soon return. I discharged a regiment the other day that had in it fourteen rank and file fit for duty only… The subject … is not a fit one to be publicly known or discussed… I am wearied to death all day … at the conduct of the militia, whose behavior and want of discipline has done great injury to the other troops, who never had officers, except in a few instances, worth the bread they eat."264

      Conditions did not improve in the following year, for we find Washington again writing to his brother of "militia, who are here today and gone tomorrow – whose way, like the ways of [Pr]ovidence, are almost inscrutable."265 Baron von Steuben testifies thus: "The eternal ebb and flow of men … who went and came every day, rendered it impossible to have either a regiment or company complete… I have seen a regiment consisting of thirty men and a company of one corporal."266 Even Thomas Paine, the arch-enemy of anything resembling a regular or "standing" army, finally declared that militia "will not do for a long campaign."267 Marshall thus describes the predicament in which Washington was placed by the inconstancy of this will-o'-the-wisp soldiery: "He was often abandoned by bodies of militia, before their places were filled by others… The soldiers carried off arms and blankets."268

      Bad as the militia were,269 the States did not keep up even this happy-go-lucky branch of the army. "It is a matter of astonishment," savagely wrote Washington to the President of Pennsylvania, two months before Valley Forge, "to every part of the continent, to hear that Pennsylvania, the most opulent and populous of all the States, has but twelve hundred militia in the field, at a time when the enemy are endeavoring to make themselves completely masters of, and to fix their winter quarters in, her capital."270 Even in the Continental line, it appears, Pennsylvania's quota had "never been above one third full; and now many of them are far below even that."271

      Washington's wrath at Pennsylvania fairly blazed at this time, and the next day he wrote to Augustine Washington that "this State acts most infamously, the People of it, I mean, as we derive little or no assistance from them… They are in a manner, totally disaffected or in a kind of Lethargy."272

      The head of the American forces was not the only patriot officer to complain. "The Pennsylvania Associators [militia] … are deserting … notwithstanding the most spirited exertions of their officers," reported General Livingston in the midsummer of 1776.273 General Lincoln and the Massachusetts Committee tried hard to keep the militia of the Bay State from going home; but, moaned Lee, "whether they will succeed, Heaven only knows."274

      General Sullivan determined to quit the service because of abuse and ill-treatment.275 For the same reason Schuyler proposed to resign.276 These were not examples of pique; they denoted a general sentiment among officers who, in addition to their sufferings, beheld their future through none too darkened glasses. They "not only have the Mortification to See every thing live except themselves," wrote one minor officer in 1778, "but they see their private fortune wasting away to make fat those very Miscreants [speculators] … they See their Country … refuse to make any future provision for them, or even to give them the Necessary Supplies."277

      Thousands of the Continentals were often practically naked; Chastellux found several hundred in an invalid camp, not because they were ill, but because "they were not covered even with rags."278 "Our sick naked, and well naked, our unfortunate men in captivity naked"! wailed Washington in 1777.279 Two days before Christmas of that year he informed Congress that, of the force then under his immediate command, nearly three thousand were "barefoot and otherwise naked."280 Sickness was general and appalling. Smallpox raged throughout the army even from the first.281 "The Regimental Surgeons are immediately to make returns … of all the men in their Regiments, who have not had the small Pox,"282 read the orders of the day just after New Year's Day, in 1778.

      Six years after Concord and Lexington, three hundred American soldiers, in a body, wished to join the British.283 Stern measures were taken to prevent desertion and dishonesty and even to enforce the most ordinary duties of soldiers. "In the afternoon three of our regṭ were flogged; – 2 of them received one hundred lashes apiece for attempting to desert; the other received 80 for enlisting twice and taking two bounties,"284 Wild coolly enters in his diary. And again: "This afternoon one of our men was hanged on the grand parade for attempting to desert to the enemy";285 and "at


<p>258</p>

Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 12, 1776; Writings: Ford, v, 84.

<p>259</p>

Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 24, 1776; ib., 129-30. While Washington was desperately badly off, he exaggerates somewhat in this despondent report, as Mr. Ford's footnote (ib., 130) shows.

<p>260</p>

Washington to President of Congress, Nov. 11, 1776; ib., 19.

<p>261</p>

Washington to John Augustine Washington, Nov. 19, 1776; Writings: Ford, v, 38-39.

<p>262</p>

Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 8, 1776; ib., iv, 397.

<p>263</p>

Washington to John Augustine Washington, Sept. 22, 1776; ib., 429.

<p>264</p>

Washington to Lund Washington, Sept. 30, 1776; Writings: Ford, iv, 457-59.

<p>265</p>

Washington to John Augustine Washington, Feb. 24, 1777; ib., v, 252. The militia officers were elected "without respect either to service or experience." (Chastellux, 235.)

<p>266</p>

Kapp, 115.

<p>267</p>

The Crisis: Paine; Writings: Conway, i, 175.

<p>268</p>

Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 66.

<p>269</p>

The militia were worse than wasteful and unmanageable; they deserted by companies. (Hatch, 72-73.)

<p>270</p>

Washington to Wharton, Oct. 17, 1777: Writings: Ford, vi, 118-19.

<p>271</p>

Ib.

<p>272</p>

Washington to John Augustine Washington, Oct. 18, 1777; ib., 126-29.

<p>273</p>

Livingston to Washington, Aug. 12, 1776; Cor. Rev.: Sparks, i, 275.

<p>274</p>

Lee to Washington, Nov. 12, 1776; ib., 305.

<p>275</p>

Sullivan to Washington, March 7, 1777; ib., 353-54.

<p>276</p>

Schuyler to Washington, Sept. 9. 1776; ib., 287.

<p>277</p>

Smith to McHenry, Dec. 10, 1778; Steiner, 21.

<p>278</p>

Chastellux, 44; and see Moore's Diary, i, 399-400; and infra, chap. IV.

<p>279</p>

Washington to Livingston, Dec. 31, 1777; Writings: Ford, vi, 272.

<p>280</p>

Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777; ib., 260; and see ib., 267.

<p>281</p>

Pa. Mag. Hist. and Biog., 1890-91 (2d Series), vi, 79. Most faces among the patriot troops were pitted with this plague. Washington was deeply pockmarked. He had the smallpox in the Barbadoes when he was nineteen years old. (Sparks, 15.)

<p>282</p>

Weedon, Jan. 6, 1778, 183.

<p>283</p>

Hatch, 135; and Kapp, 109.

<p>284</p>

Proc., Mass. Hist. Soc. (2d Series), vi, 93.

<p>285</p>

Ib. Entries of desertions and savage punishment are frequent in Wild's Diary; see p. 135 as an example. Also see Moore's Diary, i, 405.