Josephus’s Life is consistently written as a first-person report and it begins with the author’s distinguished ancestry (genos), descending not only from a priestly family but also from the Hasmonean dynasty (Vita 1–2). This beginning (1–12) also highlights Josephus’s education and anticipates in this way a self-portrait of him as a public figure in the short period that he was active as a Jewish leader and military commander (December 66–May 67 CE; Vita 12–413; Bilde 1988: 104–113; Mason 2001: xxvii–xxxiv). It ends with a report about domestic affairs in Alexandria, the area of Jerusalem, and Rome (Mason 2001: xxi–xxiii; other self-introductions: BJ 1.3 and Apion 1.54–55). The short epilogue (Vita 430) confirms that it concerns the autobiography of Josephus (Bilde 1988: 104–105; Mason 1998, 2001: 173, 2016b; Schwartz 2007: 3–4). It highlights Josephus’s character (ēthos) as the main body of the work has done several times. A phrase in this epilogue (“the entire record of the Antiquities up to the present …”) may indicate that The Life was intended to function as an appendix to the Antiquities (cf. AJ 20.259, 267; Barish 1978; Bilde 1988: 104–105; Mason 1998, 2001: xiv–xv, 173; Siegert et al. 2001: 1, 23 n.1; Schwartz 2007: 3–4).
Josephus’s final work, known as Contra Apionem (written between 94 and c. 105 CE), is a sequel to The Jewish Antiquities (Apion 1.1–2) and intended as a refutation of slanders about the Jews and lies about their origin by non-Jews as well as a presentation of the correct view of the ancient origin of the Jews (Apion 1.3–4, 59; Bilde 1988: 113–122; Barclay 2007: xvii–lxxi). This purpose explains why some of the early readers of this work refer to it as On the Antiquity of the Jews (or: Judaeans; Origen, C. Celsum 1.16; Hist. Eccl. 3.9.4, Mason 2000: xxiii). Josephus’s counterargument brings other witnesses (non-Greek reports, cf. Apion 1.58–59) about the origin of the Jews that the Greeks consider most trustworthy. He refutes the slanders of Apion and others by demonstrating that they contradict themselves (cf. already Apion 1.4). He also explains why not many Greeks mention the Jews in their history and attempts to inform those persons who are or feign to be ignorant of this history through the work of those who have not neglected it (Apion 1.5; cf. 1.3). He concludes this work with a detailed exposition of the illustrious Mosaic laws and Jewish religion (Apion 2.145–296).
Relevance for the History of the Jews
What is the relevance of these works for the history of the Hellenistic and Roman Near East? Obviously, Josephus focuses on the history of the Jews, especially on the Jews in their heartland Judaea. However, as we will see in subsequent sections, he is also a relevant source for some other topics.
The Jewish War concerns the conflict between the Jews and the Romans in Judaea and Galilee in the first century CE. Its overture in books 1 and 2 starts with the invasion and persecution by Antiochus IV (175–164 BCE) in Judaea (1.31–35) and it offers extensive information about the Maccabean revolt and the Hasmonean dynasty of Jewish leaders that resulted from it (1.36–179). Next Josephus focuses on the take-over by the Herodian rulers with Herod the Great (40–4 BCE) as the prime figure (1.180–2.168). This “pre-history” ends with the switch to a direct administration by Roman governors (6–66 CE), which partially coincided with the rule of the Jewish kings Agrippa I (41–44 CE) and II (50–93/4 CE; War 2.169–292). The actual history of the war comprises War 2.293–6.442, starting with provocations by the Roman governor Florus, who relieved the temple treasury of seventeen talents (2.293–308), and culminating with the burning of the temple and the destruction of the city of Jerusalem narrated in book 6. Book 7 deals with the removal of the last hotbeds of resistance, including the rebels on Masada (7.252–406) (Figure 22.3), and the consequences of the Jewish defeat: the triumphal march of the Flavians, described in great detail (7.123–162), the land of the Jews becoming imperial property and the introduction of the fiscus judaicus as replacement of the temple tax, levied on all Jews in the empire (Bilde 1988: 65–70; Heemstra 2010). Josephus’s interpretation of the events is, among other things, apparent from his remark that after Cestius Gallus’s failed attempt to capture Jerusalem and King Agrippa II’s failure to persuade the Jews to desist the eminent Jews left Jerusalem – swimming away from the city “as if from a sinking ship” (2.556) – and from his repeated notices that the radical rebels who stayed behind were fighting each other (e.g. 2.433–448; 4.121–366, 503–584).
Although The Jewish Antiquities cover a far longer period than the War, almost half of its twenty books concern the Hellenistic and early Roman periods (books 12–20). The last book of the section that is based on Jewish Scripture (books 1–11) ends with an excursus on Alexander the Great (336–323 BCE; AJ 11.304–347), a caesura in the composition which explains why Alexander was able to defeat the Persians and found a new empire: when he met the high priest of the Jews in the robes of his office, he realized that the dream he had had meant that the God of the Jews would lead his army to victory (11.329–335). Therefore, Alexander sacrificed to God in the Jerusalem temple and understood that he was the Greek leader who would defeat the Persian Empire as the Book of Daniel that was shown to him implies (Daniel 8:21; AJ 11.336–337). Alexander granted the Jews several privileges, including the right to serve in his army as mercenaries without transgressing their practices (11.338). The excursus shows once again Josephus’s leitmotiv that the God of the Jews determines human affairs and rewards and punishes humans according to their deeds (see above).
Book 12 deals with the period after Alexander’s death (323 BCE) up to the death of Judas (161 BCE), the leader of the Maccabean Revolt against Antiochus IV and V. Books 13 and 14 cover the later Hasmonean rulers as well as the take-over by Herod the Great, who manages to capture Jerusalem only three