AMERICANIZATION
Americanization is another process that is related to globalization, but is not identical, or reducible, to it (Neil Campbell 2012). We devote the most attention in this chapter to Americanization because it has been such a central part of globalization (at least until very recently), because it continues to be important, and because it has been so widely studied, analyzed, critiqued, and commented upon. We employ Richard Kuisel’s (2003: 96) definition: “Americanization is the import by non-Americans of products, images, technologies, practices and behaviour that are closely associated with America/Americans.”8
While we are dealing with Americanization in terms of its relationship to globalization specifically, it is worth pointing out there is much more to Americanization than that. Reflective of this greater complexity is the fact that there is an entire field known as American Studies, and even an “Americanization theory” (Grainge 2004: 215) of which the study of America’s role in globalization is only a small part. This complexity and diversity means, among other things, that it is impossible, as some globalization theorists do, to dismiss an idea that clearly is the subject of so much work and study and means so much more than its role in globalization. While it would be wrong to dismiss the idea in its entirety, or more specifically as it relates to globalization, we need to deconstruct Americanization in order to decide which elements of it, if any, can or should be retained in the larger context of a discussion of its relationship to globalization.
By the way, the term Americanization can mean not only the influence of the US, but also that of Canada and Mexico, as well as Central and South America. After all, they are part of America (North, Central, and South). While we will deal with other complexities below, to handle this one, we will focus on the US9 when we discuss Americanization.
Long before globalization became a central academic and lay concern, there were many works over a long period of time that dealt with America’s global influence, especially on Europe.10 In addition, there are a number of very recent works that deal with this topic.11 While the continuation of this work to this day indicates that there has been no diminution of interest in Americanization, there was a particularly heavy concentration on this topic in the 1960s, at or near the summit of America’s global power (especially its industrial power given the decades it took Europe [and Japan] to recover economically from the devastation of WW II), and no work epitomizes this better than the Frenchman J.-J. Servan-Schreiber’s The American Challenge (1968).
Echoing Georges Duhamel’s (1931) notion of an American “menace,” Servan-Schreiber saw America as a business, industrial, and economic threat to Europe. His view, and the fear of the day, is reflected in the opening line of his book (which seems laughable in the light of subsequent developments such as the rise of European [e.g. BMW and Volkswagen], and the decline of American [e.g. GM], industry): “Fifteen years from now it is quite possible that the world’s third greatest industrial power, just after the US and Russia, will not be Europe, but American industry in Europe” (Servan-Schreiber 1968: 3). Whatever the errors in this view in light of today’s realities (in addition to those mentioned above, the rise of the EU, Japan, and China), it is reflective of the sense of the day of the power, especially, industrially, of Americanization.
In the ensuing years, fears of Americanization, at least of US industries, declined and were replaced by other ideas and fears, most of which were seen as threatening to the US, as well. One such idea, reflective of the remarkable post-war development of Japanese industry, was “Japanization” (Elger and Smith 1994), and that was later supplemented, and to some degree replaced, by fears of the “Asian Tigers” (e.g. Singapore), the European Union and most recently, and likely more enduringly, China (Huntington 2011).
However, other nations’ fears of Americanization and its economic power have certainly not disappeared. Concern about the expansion of American industry was replaced (at least until the Great Recession) to a large degree by a growing fear, reflective of a sea change in the American economy, of American dominance globally in the realm of consumption (Goodman 2007). The fear was no longer of industrial giants, many of which are declining (and disappearing), like US Steel and GM, but rather of the impact of behemoths in the realm of consumption such as Wal-Mart, Coca-Cola, McDonald’s, and Visa (Ritzer 1995, 2009). For its part, Wal-mart has risen to become the world’s largest private employer (Taylor 2015), with $514.4 billion in revenue and $6.7 billion in profits in 2018. This fear of the giants in the realm of consumption is reflected in concerns over processes that have been labeled “Coca-Colonization” (Kuisel 1993) (or even “Coca-Globalization” [Foster 2012]), “McDonaldization” (Ritzer 2018), “Disneyization” (Bryman 2004; Sandlin and Garlen 2016), and “Wal-Martization” (Matusitz 2014). As new leaders in the field of consumption, almost always US in origin, came to the fore, they led to new labels and new fears. For example, the growth of Starbucks (at least until recently) led to concern over “Starbuckization” (Ritzer 2018). Judging by the proliferation of its coffee shops (over 29,865) in many countries in the world (at least 75 as of this writing) there was clear reason for such concern (Ritschel 2019). Such growth illustrates the exportation of America’s consumer products and its “means (or cathedrals) of consumption” (Ritzer 2009) – fast-food restaurants, superstores, shopping malls, and so on – to Europe. (We will deal with all of these, as well as the various processes mentioned above, in Chapter 7.) As of this writing, Amazon – another American-based consumer company – is likely the example that jumps into many readers’ minds. While the focus may have shifted from production to consumption, scholarly and popular work on, and worry over, Americanization persisted and persists to this day.
Of course, the work on the economy, even that which includes both production and consumption, touches on only a small part of the literature on Americanization. Needless to say, there is also much interest in Americanization in such areas as politics (Harding 2008; Pont-Sorribes et al., 2018), the law (Westbrook 2006), the military (Amin 2019), culture, and so on. For example, in the realm of politics, the political campaigns in recent European elections (especially in Great Britain and France) have come to look increasingly like those in America, and prominent American political consultants have played a growing role in them.
Clearly Americanization, from the point of view of this definition, does indeed exist, in that all of these things (products, cathedrals of consumption, military expansionism, etc.) and much more are being exported by the US and being imported in great numbers by other nations. However, this also immediately gets us to another of the complexities mentioned above – which American imports are we talking about? It might be that we can agree that Americanization is an accurate label for the exportation and importation of some of these products (e.g. Coca-Cola and McDonald’s), but it does not apply in the case of others (e.g. TVs and video recorders that were largely invented by Americans and pioneered by American corporations, but few, if any, of which are produced there any longer). Thus, in discussing Americanization – as well as its absence – we need to specify the import under consideration. All imports from the US may not involve Americanization, and imports from the US may be declining, but the US remains a major exporter of all sorts of things to other nations, including many that are closely identified with it.
A similar complication occurs when we distinguish among cultural, social, communicative, political, and economic Americanization. Again, in discussing Americanization, which form are we talking about? For example, America has had a powerful influence on China economically, but its political impact in terms of democratization, at least until now, has been comparatively small. There are even differences within each of these domains. For example, within the realm of culture, it has been argued that “musically, the twentieth century was the American century” (Blake 2004: 149), but while that might be true, it almost certainly was not the case in painting or sculpture. Similar differences and complexities exist in all of the other realms mentioned